If in over 60 years UMNO has not been able to improve the grassroots Malays' economy and has wallowed in corruption, what can Khairy do?
Khairy is just another UMNO leader, nothing special
Khairy Jamaluddin is once again at his political best in playing to the UMNO ultras by invoking the familiar narrative that only UMNO can safeguard Malay interests.
Such a claim is both flawed and outdated. It may have resonated in the 1960s and 1970s, when many Malays were economically disadvantaged and politically insecure. However, Malaysia has changed dramatically over the past six decades. Political institutions have matured, the Malay middle class has expanded, and constitutional safeguards have become deeply entrenched.
Ironically, as UMNO became increasingly dominant in both politics and government, power also became increasingly concentrated. That concentration of political power, coupled with abuses of power, patronage and corruption, ultimately turned many Malaysians against UMNO and Barisan Nasional.
Khairy’s rhetoric may be useful in appealing to a segment of the UMNO grassroots, but it does not withstand political reality, constitutional scrutiny or historical examination.
UMNO was never intended to govern Malaysia alone. It was the anchor party of Barisan Nasional, a coalition whose success rested on consensus, accommodation, moderation, tolerance and unity in diversity. These values and not ethnic chest-thumping enabled BN to become one of the world’s longest-serving democratically elected governing coalitions.
However, once UMNO gradually abandoned moderation in favour of a more exclusivist political narrative, symbolised by episodes such as the “Keris” controversy, it began alienating the very communities that had sustained BN for decades. Confidence among non-Malay voters declined, BN’s multiracial appeal diminished, and its electoral dominance steadily eroded.
The irony is that such ethnic rhetoric did not significantly increase UMNO’s support among Malay voters, but it undoubtedly accelerated the loss of Chinese, Indian and other non-Malay support. It was politically costly without being electorally rewarding.
Corruption, meanwhile, did not suddenly emerge during the administration of Dato’ Sri Najib Razak. Allegations had existed for decades, including during the era of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The difference was that during the administrations of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Dato’ Sri Najib Razak, corruption became the focus of sustained and coordinated political campaigns that ultimately brought BN to its knees. Pakatan successfully branded “BN” as “Be End”, a narrative that resonated with many voters.
More importantly, Malays should not be frightened into believing that every election is a referendum on their constitutional position.
The special position of the Malays, Islam as the religion of the Federation, the Malay language, the sovereignty of the Malay Rulers, and the legitimate interests of Sabah and Sarawak are firmly entrenched in the Federal Constitution. These constitutional provisions do not rise and fall with the fortunes of any political party. They are further safeguarded by the Majlis Raja-Raja and cannot simply be dismantled because UMNO loses an election or another coalition forms the government.
Ironically, the most significant constitutional diminution of the powers of the Malay Rulers did not occur under Pakatan Harapan. It occurred when UMNO was at the height of its political dominance under Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. It was an UMNO-led government that amended the Constitution to redefine the constitutional powers and legal position of the Malay Rulers. History should serve as a reminder that no political party can credibly claim an exclusive monopoly over defending Malay institutions.
The real challenges facing the Malays today are not imaginary conspiracies repeated during every election campaign. They are corruption, abuse of power, weak governance, declining educational standards, rising living costs, economic competitiveness and the failure to prepare future generations for an increasingly demanding global economy. These challenges weaken the Malay community far more than any political slogan or manufactured fear.
Malaysia deserves a more mature political discourse. Competing for Malay support is entirely legitimate. However, weaponising constitutional anxieties and portraying UMNO as the sole guardian of Malay rights is neither historically accurate nor constitutionally sound.
The Federal Constitution protects Malay rights. The Majlis Raja-Raja safeguards the constitutional order. Good governance secures the future of the Malays. These three pillars and not fear-based politics will determine the strength and prosperity of the Malay community in the decades ahead. Instilling political fear on the Malays may help win some parties more votes temporarily but in the long run, it is good governance that will safeguard and secure the future of all Malaysians.
Adapted from the article shared via social media today, written by Dato Seri Ti Lian Ker, former Deputy Minister of Unity; and former MCA vice president.
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